Mogae: portrait of a democrat(Mogae Legacy)

GIDEON NKALA
Staff Writer | Monday March 31, 2008 00:00

 

Despite earlier indications that the Botswana Democratic Party (BDP) experiment with automatic succession could go horribly wrong, Mogae will look back with some measure of satisfaction that he somehow managed to steady the ship in very rough storms.

He was the first president in Botswana who came to power through a controversial constitutional enactment that ushered in automatic succession. There were pent-up emotions within the BDP that Mogae was given a free ride to the presidency when other worthy contenders were deliberately locked out through a constitutional manipulation by the then president Sir Ketumile Masire. At the time when Masire was toying around with the idea of automatic succession, there was a feeling, both within the BDP and outside that then party chairman Ponatshego Kedikilwe could have challenged Mogae for the presidency. Because Kedikilwe, his ally and then BDP secretary general Daniel Kwelagobe had command of the party structures, he could have easily won against Mogae. Before he left office, Masire said he was worried about the deep-seated factionalism in the party. He said the divisions needed to be contained before the party is torn asunder.

At the BDP Gaborone congress of 1997, which was possibly the most acrimonious, Masire had to move in to save the party from dismembering itself. He pleaded with delegates not to vote for party officials but to endorse a compromise list, which essentially retained central committee members and thus averted a Kedikilwe-Mogae duel. The thinking then was that Kedikilwe could have humiliated then vice-president Mogae in the race for the party chairmanship. Such an occurrence would have blighted the anticipated ride by Mogae to state house.

Mogae was largely seen as an outsider who held the BDP and state reins by default due to the effects of the Kgabo Land Commission. The commission fingered vice-president Peter Mmusi and Kwelagobe as players in the illegal land deals in Mogoditshane. The duo resigned from government and Mogae benefited from the vacancy created at the vice presidency. Though Mmusi and Kwelagobe later went to court and cleared their names, the die was cast and Mogae was on his way to the presidency.

When Mogae took over as president, the divisions between the Big Five and the Kedikilwe-Kwelagobe camp were still very active. There was every possibility that with Masire gone, the dominant Kedikilwe-Kwelagobe camp could regroup, take complete control of the party and force Mogae on the back-foot. They could even have sponsored an amendment to rescind automatic succession. Although a political novice, Mogae had an ace up his sleeve.

On the day he was inaugurated, he made then military chief Ian Khama his Vice President. Professor Lawrence Schlemmer had, in his report to the BDP, made it clear that the party needed to invigorate itself by bringing someone powerful and popular to help stabilise it. Khama is paramount chief of Bangwato, a conglomeration of ethnic groups who are numerically superior and whose territory delivers more BDP constituencies.

In the initial stages, Khama's appointment seemed to have back-fired as he regularly collided with most BDP MPs. At one point during the debate on a motion to increase salaries of MPs, he earned the wrath of legislators when he rejected the hike in rather strong terms. He used words like monkeys and vultures. Relationships were polarised and factionalism seemed to grow in the BDP. It continued through three party congresses at Palapye, Ghanzi and Serowe and only subsided when it became clear that Khama and Mogae were now in control of the party. However Mogae and Khama's control was not easy. The road to total control has been bloody and involved compromises most of which threatened internal party democracy.

* Mogae and BDP's democratisation of political processes
Any president in a fledgling democracy, will always be judged by his or her ability to enhance and institutionalise democratic values in government.

When Mogae's legacy is written, it will reveal without doubt that during his reign, there were notable changes to the BDP electoral process. Bulela Ditswe, an open political contest, which is in stark contrast to the previous exclusionary electoral college system was introduced. The college system was the domain of a select group of people who nominated party representatives such as councillors and MPs. It was seen as undemocratic and prone to manipulation by the party top brass.

But Bulela Ditswe has without doubt democratised BDP elections as there is mass participation. Although this system seems to have engendered some measure of disaffection, it has obliterated perceptions of manipulation and other underhand means that were ostensibly employed by the party leadership to lock out some people in the old system. Of course Bulela Ditswe is still criticised for encouraging anarchy and hostilities between BDP members with some saying it is not fool proof but most note that it is a clean break from the past.

* The IEC era
During the reign of the first two presidents (Seretse Khama and Ketumile Masire) elections were generally run and administered by a unit of government tethered to Office of the President (OP). But under Mogae, the Independent Electoral Commission (IEC) was formed and administered the 1999 polls. Although the IEC's autonomy has been a subject of dispute, its OP connections have been drastically loosened. The recent revelation in an exchange between IEC chairperson Justice John Mosojane and Permanent Secretary to the President Eric Molale is a pointer that the commission is struggling to be completely independent. But over the past 10 years, there is recognition, from across the political spectrum, that the IEC has added value in the conduct of elections in the country.

There is no evidence to suggest that there has been any attempt by Mogae to disenfranchise voters. In fact in 1999, the president declared the first state of emergency in Botswana to ensure that 66,000 voters who could otherwise have been denied an opportunity to vote were given an opportunity to participate in the elections.

* Mogae: the architect of modern Botswana
Unlike the past two presidents, Masire and Khama who described themselves as farmers on loan to politics, Mogae was a technocrat. Through a progression pattern, that is becoming a common practice in the world, he evolved into a politician in later life.

Mogae has a much more larger claim to having been the architect of Botswana' success particularly in the economic sphere and the civil service than many. Unlike Khama and Masire, he served the administration in key positions and later took over as head of civil service. None of the past presidents have been down this road.

As a graduate of Oxford, he joined the civil service in 1968 as a Planning Officer in the Ministry of Finance and Development Planning. He rose to become senior planning officer in 1971, director of economic planning in 1972 and eventually becoming Permanent Secretary of the same ministry between 1975 and 1976. He has served as Governor of Bank of Botswana. In the civil service, he rose to the pinnacle when he was made Permanent Secretary to the President. As a PS, he had an opportunity to serve the public in various capacities. He headed several boards running key institutions such as Bank of Botswana, Debswana and Botswana Development Corporation. At one point, he was Botswana's alternate representative at the International Monetary Fund (IMF).

Mogae, more than many people in government, can claim to have helped put Botswana's mineral economy on a sound footing. As a key player in the Ministry of Finance and one of the few educated Batswana at the time, he could legitimately claim to have helped the country to mobilise resources. Most importantly, he prudently helped to husband the resources and put them to very good use.

Throughout his career in the civil service and even in his early years in politics, he had a reputation as a prudent fiscal manager. An incident that is often quoted to demonstrate his adherence to principle rather than expediency is when as Minister of Finance, he refused to write off loans of some key people even after cabinet colleagues made a representation to him.

* Political leadership
None of the past presidents, even the incoming president, came with the kind of preparedness that Mogae brought into the office. He had training in some of the world's reputable institutions. He had served with distinction in the public service. He knew all the processes and goals of Botswana's development roadmap. Before he became president, he had been in politics for at least nine years - more than six of which he had served as vice president.

Mogae was first appointed to cabinet in 1989 when he joined as specially elected and was made Minister of Finance and Development Planning.

In 1994 when the Delimitation Committee created a new constituency of Palapye he became Palapye's first MP when he won the constituency on the BDP ticket. Prior to the 1994 elections Mogae had been made Vice President after the then incumbent Peter Mmusi resigned following a presidential land commission linked him to the illicit land deals in the peri-urban areas around Gaborone.  

Mogae's leadership in the public service and service as a technocrat has attracted accolades. But it is his political leadership that seems to be mired in potholes and contours.

Early in his presidency, Mogae gave elected politicians and chiefs, including councillors and MPs a blank cheque to purchase vehicles, which ostensibly they were to use in their constituencies. At the time when the scheme was introduced, it had no ceiling and as such it was open to abuse. Politicians used the scheme to buy luxury cars. After a barrage of public complaints, Mogae relented. He admitted to error and put a ceiling on what was essentially seen as a self-enrichment scheme.

To a lot of people Mogae had changed his narrative. For the president to have authorised such a scheme, it was out of character with the financial prudent tradition that he came to epitomise. Here he pandered to the extravagant whims of politicians. Perhaps Mogae was using the scheme to ingratiate himself to a constituency that had somewhat not accepted him.

* Mogae and Khama
In the BDP, Mogae has been castigated for being indecisive and generally playing second fiddle to Khama, particularly in his last term as president. Both in government and in the party, Mogae seems to have treated Khama with kid gloves even for transgressions that appear to have put government and the party on the boil.

He allowed Khama to come into government as vice president while he continued with his dual role as paramount chief of Bangwato. Mogae's predecessor and mentor, Masire has on many occasions spoken against Khama's duality of chieftainship and politician. The former president maintains that the two cannot reside in one individual. The fact that Khama is paramount chief of Bangwato is in itself the major attraction in his appointment as vice president. It was expected that Mogae would ask Khama to relinquish his other hat as Bangwato Kgosi. As a former head of the civil service, Mogae would have been aware of at least a precedent that was established when Kgosi Bathoen was forced to denounce bogosi to join politics. Much against any sense of fairness and even the letter and spirit of public service standing orders, Khama was allowed to flout this covenant - with encouragement from Mogae.

Just two months after a massive election victory in the 1999 general elections the president stunned the nation when he announced that he had granted Khama an unprecedented 12 months sabbatical leave primarily to go and attend to his personal problems. At the time, there was a reported fall-out between Khama and Mogae over some appointments in government. When he came back, he was given no ministerial responsibilities and that is how it has been to this day. Though officialdom mouthed some feeble explanation of overseeing project implementation, the public is still waiting for a report on his performance on this score.

When he was appointed vice-president, Khama essentially turned himself into an odd jobs man-cum populist. He turned his office into an all grievances clearing port despite the existence of many such avenues across ministries. This placed him on a collision course with other ministers who accused him of crossing the line and not respecting their mandate. Then Commerce Minister George Kgoroba is one of those that complained bitterly about Khama encroaching into his territory. As his supervisor, Mogae did nothing to put Khama on the straight and narrow. During debate on the motion to increase MPs salaries and allowances, Khama went on the warpath and called MPs names. There was polarity in the BDP. MPs were unhappy but this passed without the president reprimanding his number two. He subsequently stated that he supported Khama on his position that MPs should not get an increase.

Mogae had this undying devotion to his vice president that seemed to have blinded his judgment so much that he disregarded everything else.

Even against the judgment of the Ombudsman that it was not right for the vice president to be piloting military helicopters, Mogae said he did not find anything wrong with his deputy using army facilities on party matters. Just to placate Khama, Mogae squandered an opportunity to lay down the rules on ethical conduct. The perception that Mogae had mortgaged himself to Khama had gained more traction in the run-up to the 2003 BDP elections. Against all expectations, Mogae stated that he supported Khama in his bid to oust the old enemy Kedikilwe as party chairman. In 1997, Kedikilwe had refused to make way for Mogae to be appointed party chairman. 

History however will be kind to Mogae for having managed to restore order in the BDP. There is no doubt that the BDP has survived upheavals that could have rendered it politically impotent under Mogae. Towards the end of his era, he used a combination of undemocratic means and state resources to purchase party unity.

One example is the enlargement of the cabinet to accommodate Kedikilwe, Kwelagobe and Gaotlhaetse Matlhabaphiri of the Kedikilwe-Kwelagobe faction. Early in Mogae's reign, factionalism threatened to paralyse the BDP. Khama went on a controversial sabbatical leave and became a polarising figure. Kedikilwe resigned from cabinet followed by David Magang. The BDP back bench kept the executive on the back foot and the party seemed to be facing an implosion. Today as Mogae leaves, the BDP is more united than when he inherited it. As evidenced from the by-elections that have been held around the country, the party is pulverising the opposition, reclaiming the constituencies it had lost. When he departs Mogae can confidently say he handed a united party to Khama. Kedikilwe, Kwelagobe and Mathlbaphiri are now in cabinet and are happy to be at the top table. Any of them could be appointed Vice President by Khama and they would gladly take it. Mogae could have easily been the president on whose hands the party disintegrated and even lose power. But he ranks as one who fostered unity.

* Mogae's grace
Leaders often use political power to get even with opponents. As a leader of a country that bestows huge powers on the executive, Mogae could have easily abused his position to settle scores. While in office, he often used his powers to groom and allowed those that were perceived lightly to prove themselves.

His graciousness comes out clearly when he recalled Kedikilwe to cabinet as Minister of Minerals, Energy and Water Affairs. His differences with Kedikilwe have all been documented but it appears that these did not blind his judgment when he recalled him to be one of his advisors in cabinet.

Jacob Nkate who was Assistant Minister of Finance and Development Planning had to resign in 1999 after it emerged that he was a director in a company owned by a self-confessed purveyor of corruption, Nicholas Zakhem. But after elections the same year, Mogae appointed him a full cabinet minister. Nkate's star has been on the rise and now besides his cabinet position, he is BDP secretary general.

During the height of the Botswana Housing Corporation (BHC) scandal former Local Government and Lands Permanent Secretary Pelonomi Venson had to leave the employ of government. But later she was Specially Elected as an MP and subsequently appointed cabinet minister. Venson has been in cabinet ever since and she is widely considered a star performer.

* Corruption under Mogae
The economy of Botswana became complex during Mogae's reign. Some of these complexities involved new underhand methods of trying to plunder the economy using sophisticated means that are difficult to trace. While the Directorate on Corruption and Economic Crime was established during Masire's reign, it only became conspicuous during Mogae's presidency.

At the beginning of his reign, Mogae was personally linked to a scandal in a company in which he was a shareholder. He is said to have benefited from a soft loan from a company that was already belly-up  (Owens Corning Pipes Botswana (OCPB). He eventually weathered the storm.

He squandered an opportunity to make a strong statement against corruption, particularly the white collar type committed by the powerful in government. There is a perception that many white collar corruption is committed during tenders and often with the collaboration of senior officials in government including ministers. Former MP for Francistown East and Health Minister, Joy phumaphi tabled a motion on the declaration of assets and interests by the country's political leadership. This was passed by Parliament but that is as far as the matter went. Nothing came from her efforts but there are many leaders who live way beyond their legitimate means yet they are untouched by the corruption busters. By passing up on this opportunity, Mogae has failed to give corruption busters the impetus that they need.

Every commission that is set up reveals rising levels of corruption yet government is slow to come up with a white paper as they did on the Lesetedi Commission of land. Mogae has succeeded in coming up with commissions that revealed what everybody has always feared. But beyond the commissions, there has been very little in terms of resolute action.

Of late the DCEC has been prosecuting individuals who are alleged to have peddled corruption but this is still limited.

Mogae has received credit from some quarters that he had the opportunity to stop prosecution against his (former) friend Louis Nchindo but he has not.

Without the enabling environment such as true autonomy of DCEC; and lack of proper protection of whistle blowers, legal instruments such as Freedom Information Act, Mogae's score on leading the fight against corruption is less than encouraging.

* Aversion to dissent
Mogae's government attracted a lot of international condemnation when he declared Kenneth Good a prohibited immigrant in Botswana. The University of Botswana political science professor was served with deportation orders days before he could present his lecture on the state of Botswana's democracy, particularly on the thorny issue of automatic succession. Curiously Good was deported just a few months after his employer, the University of Botswana renewed his contract. The general belief is that Good was deported for his work and studies challenging government position on the relocations of Central Kgalagadi Game Reserve (CKGR) residents and mining of diamond, automatic succession among other sensitive issues.

The furore put the spotlight on Mogae's credentials as a democrat. He was said to be still clinging to a legal provision that is at best a relic of the past that is not transparent and can be abused.

* Mogae: the retributionist
Perhaps more than the Professor Good deportation and the CKGR matter, Mogae attracted a lot of attention when he signed execution orders for South African woman Marrieta Bosch. With the execution of Bosch, Mogae made history as the first Botswana president to send a white person to the gallows. Records show that under Mogae, eight people were executed in the country. 

The Marrieta Bosch hanging forced the issue of capital punishment on the public menu. More than ever before, Botswana was under a barrage of attack for practicing what, in some parts of the world, is considered an unjust or barbaric punishment. In local and international forums, Mogae defended his position to the hilt, saying that like many Batswana, he is a retributionist and that he does not see anything wrong with the death penalty. The debate that ensued did very little to cause any change in the president's heart.