Shadow Cabinet - is it necessary or useless?

LAWRENCE OOKEDITSE | Friday March 22, 2013 00:00

My argument is that this is the closest that opposition in this country can come to demonstrating their readiness to govern. We do not want a scenario similar to the one in 1979 when Robert Mugabe, then a fresh faced and young Prime Minister told Lord Soames they do not know how to run a government and need assistance. Besides, in its absence, we really remain with quite little comparative base between them and the BDP. This notion was brought to my attention by a post I saw on one of the social networks updated by an opposition activist, athough he had meant it differently.  In his post, he asserted that government under the BDP is actually run by technocrats.

The update read: 'Without a doubt, the BDP as a party in Parliament, has a calibre of the most highly educated MP's at their disposal. And it goes on to the suspended Executive Secretary, and some of their National Executive Council members are university graduates and young entrepreneurs. I mean the party has/had Ministers who have even worked for the World Bank (Joy Phumaphi who was vice president), Former PS, Managing Director BDC and even IMF executive in Kenneth Matambo, Former Attorney General Phandu Skelemani, highly acclaimed scholars in Professor Sheila Tlou, Dr Gloria Somolekae, Former HR Director (Air Botswana) & Managing Director Barloworld Botswana in Dorcas Makgatho-Malesu, Chartered Accountant in Guma Moyo, Lawyers in Jacob Nkate & Ndelu Seretse, Former PS in Pelonomi Venson-Moitoi, Broadcasters in Patrick Masimolole & Dr Margret Nasha, Sports Scientist in Shaw Kgathi, Former Corporate Executives in Neo Moroka & Odirile Motlhale, Seasoned Economists in Former President FG Mogae, Dr PH Kedikilwe & Baledzi Gaolathe (MHSRIP), Former UNDP Administrator in Mokgweetsi Masisi, Former Educators in Keletso Rakhudu, Fidelis Molao & Peter Siele, HR Expert Practitioner (a rialo) in Prince Maele, Engineers in Kitso Mokaila, Boyce Sebetlela, Strategic thinkers in Botsalo 'Chalobeke' Ntuane, Land Economist and former BHC & BTC CEO in Vincent Seretse, Former BFA CEO in Phillip Makgalemele, Former Standard Bank Executive in Moiseraele Goya....the list is endless. The collective opposition does not even come close to having such cadres in their ranks...'

From that unconclusive list you realise that whatever your misgivings there may be about the BDP, it is not a party that has been short of brains. It has governed through experts; the technocrats who we all believe can govern well. The closing of that post posed a very important conclusion that may suggest the need for shadow cabinets thought the writer. In a refereed paper presented to the Australian Political Studies Association Conference in 2008 titled 'In the shadows: the shadow Cabinet in Australia', Dr Joel Bateman  argued that one of the most basic of roles filled by the shadow Cabinet is one of organisation. He posits for that 'the modern [British] Shadow Cabinet can be defined as a group of leading figures of the Opposition ... who meet together as a committee on a regular basis to assist the Leader of the Opposition in the task of managing the business of Opposition'. Note here that there is emphasis at helping the opposition manage its own business thus avoid being messy and being caught off guard and without positions on issues that may be of national importance.

Also important is that shadow Cabinets are said to help in developing future executive members, displaying an alternative government and specialisation by members. R. Punnett has been an advent proponent of the shadow Cabinet and wrote his acclaimed book 'Frontbench Opposition: The Role of the Leader of the Opposition, the Shadow Cabinet and shadow government in British Politics' that 'the most important step in the formalisation of shadow Cabinet was the recognition that a vital role of an opposition was to present clearly a viable alternative to government'.

In addition, it would allow for greater specialisation and training for individual members in preparation for their roles as ministers after a change of government. The shadow Cabinet will also go beyond mere specialisation and knowledge of issues. That specialised knowledge would help the opposition counter the government rather more effectively.  I would also like to present an argument for the strategic advantage that shadow Cabinets accord opposition.  On that basis of incumbency, governments across the world have some form of unfair natural advantage- this we cannot run away from. This includes unlimited access to the civil service for answers and research. They also hold a naturally higher position in the public psyche: the public view them as natural wielders of power. This is more so in a country where one party has governed forever. The other guys quickly become the natural opposition in the public mind. Thus incumbency is a powerful tool to be countered all of one's might. Let alone the issue of opposition being under resourced. Now consider that in the case of Australia shadow ministers' salaries are set at the same rate as backbenchers and they have an allowance equivalent to a fifth of those of government ministers. 

They also develop future cabinet ministers. Supporting the assertion of its use to develop future ministers, S. Scalmer, writing in the edited collection 'True believers: the story of the Federal Parliamentary Labor Party' notes that in May 1965 Caucus established the shadow ministry 'so as to mirror the structure of government and heighten preparations for executive power'. It avoids scenario like Zimbabwe whereupon Robert Mugabe confided to Lord Soames that he had nobody trained in anything except guerrilla warfare in 1980.  Within our context this is particularly important. Let's take the example of the BCP: often, the party is accused of being over reliant on its leader, Dumelang Saleshando. This may as well be an oxymoron since he is the leader anyway and the party must depend on its leader but it is worth taking note of. The problem is that without shadow Cabinet holders, issues are often channelled to the party leader whom in most instances would give a response as quickly as is possible with journalists citing deadlines and singing all other barrages to get quick responses. With a shadow Cabinet in place, media guys would easily call the shadow Minister in Foreign Affairs for issues on foreign affairs, the shadow Energy Minister for issues involving the BPC and its keeping us in the dark.

This would serve a useful task of 'spreading the limelight' across all in the shadow cabinet. In that scenario, the party leader does not inadvertently hoard the limelight. This tends to help the broader organisation as more of its leaders get exposure and develop some sort of national standing and appeal. The unsavoury fact currently is that not many people in the streets would recognise the name Taolo Habano or Gibson Mshinwe as of a MP, let alone what their contributions in parliament are. If they had some shadow cabinet portfolio then they would have a greater platform on which to be visible to the public and be heard. For this reason, the decision by the BCP was commendable but as some say, talk is cheap. Actions speak louder than words so its doing this that is more important. I am eager to see the BCP implement this resolution. One can only hope that the UDC, which considers itself the main opposition, will do the same.  Crtics of shadow cabinets like Australian Liberal Party long-term leader Robert Menzies (Lib, Kooyong, 1934-1966) argue that 'when the Opposition comes home at a General Election, the Leader, the new Prime Minister, will suffer a painful embarrassment if Shadow Minister for X is left in the shadows, and another member preferred'and that 'an Opposition Leader who wins needs a free hand when he accepts a commission as Prime Minister and should not be handicapped by too many personal promises made when in Opposition'. 

The question that is often asked also is how you then go ahead to allocate positions. The bitter issue being that some comrades would feel like they are being sidelined by not being appointed to the shadow cabinet. Fear of revolts by those not given positions often hampers their institution but we need those big fights to happen while they are still in opposition. That way, by the time they take over power the degree of infighting is reduced.  As for the criteria, the Federal Parliamentary Labour in Australia is instructive. After going through bitter debates on appointments, they resorted to voting people to Cabinet positions. Opponents of voting for these positions argue that it puts undue pressure on the party leader to appoint unsuitable people to 'shadow' portfolios. The jostling for positions is also feared to harm the good publicity that a party may have in the public eye. Thus some allow the shadow President to elect whom he/she wants.