Xenophobia has been, and continues to be, one of the perennial roadblocks to reaching the aspiration of African unity. Undoubtedly, this is a complex phenomenon caused by many broader issues and social ills.
Some of the broader issues include intolerance, misplaced nationalism and scapegoating often linked to political interests. Additionally, undertones of economic despair can fuel xenophobic rhetoric and violence, as locals look for scapegoats to blame for their economic challenges.
This is because migrants (who often form a minority group in larger ‘local’ communities) are seen as being in better economic situations than the locals. Further, rickety migration and control of the porous borders that African countries share, can also lead to the hardening of attitudes against migrants. Porous borders may contribute to cross-border criminality, which further feeds the scapegoat attitude of blaming foreign nationals for both cross-border crime and local crime. In some countries, such as South Africa, human and drug trafficking are often prominent features in the discourse on xenophobia, where nationals from other countries are often blamed for such acts. Another dimension that drives the issue of xenophobia in Africa is its use by politicians as one of the tools from the proverbial toolbox of populist politics.
In South Africa, this dimension has become evident in what some may call an increase in anti-migrant rhetoric from prominent politicians. Traces of xenophobic sentiment and violence have long existed in Africa, which at times has resulted in the inflammation of inter-state relations as well as large-scale displacements.
Much like in South Africa, the agitations are borne out of a need to create an economic and nationalist haven, free of migrant populations, and the belief that this haven cannot be achieved if migrants are present. Thus, the belief is that sustainable development is not possible as long as resources and employment are being ‘taken’ by migrant communities.
It is this credence that is then often manipulated and used to further political agendas and economic interests. Xenophobia is destructive to the African peace, security and development agenda, and it is an impediment to the integration and achievement of the pan-African project. The phenomenon of xenophobia is not something that is new but has existed in African history for many years.
There are some notable historical examples that can be drawn upon. In 1969, Kofi Busia, former Prime Minister of Ghana, introduced the Aliens Compliance Order which sought to expel ‘illegal aliens’ from Ghana. Prior to this order, there was a general perception that Nigerians in Ghana were the cause of large-scale unemployment.
This order resulted in the deportation of 900,000 to 1,200,000 individuals (mostly from Nigeria, Burkina Faso, Togo and Ivory Coast). In 1972 Uganda expelled thousands of Asians from the country during a downturn in economic conditions. Asians from Britain, India, Pakistan, Kenya, Tanzania and Zambia were given three months to leave Uganda, and their businesses were expropriated by the State. In 1978 Gabon expelled all Beninese from the country amid the drawing of an alleged aspersion on President Omar Bongo and the people of Gabon by Beninese President Mathieu Kerekou. Earlier, in May 1977, Kerekou had accused Gabonese officials of a foiled mercenary coup and this was the beginning of heightened tensions between the two countries. About 9,000 Beninese were expelled from the country.
In 1983 Nigeria expelled over two million foreigners from the country. This action was in response to a decline in economic fortunes as well as the perceived involvement of migrants in crime. Over a million of the two million people initially expelled from the country were Ghanaian with a further 300,000 leaving in a second wave occurring in 1985. In 1999 Ivory Coast expelled between 8,000 and 12,000 Burkinabe. This was in reaction to the declining economic situation in the 1990s whereby Aimé Henri Konan Bédié drove the idea of ‘ivoirite’ to reinvigorate the economy by infusing Ivorian identity into political and economic access.
This fuelled resentment against migrants and resulted in mass deportations. In 2004 the government of Angola expelled an estimated 100,000 Congolese people from the country. This was following an increase in rhetoric blaming of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) for stealing the natural resources of Angola. A further 160,000 Congolese were expelled in a 12-month period, between December 2008 and December 2009. In 2009 DRC expelled 50,000 Angolans as retaliation for the mass expulsions experienced in the years prior. In 2009 Burundi expelled an estimated 1,200 migrants following increased pressure put on the State to address rampant crime. The expelled foreigners mostly hailed from Tanzania, Uganda and Senegal.
In 2015 following terrorist attacks in N’Djamena, the government of Chad implemented a measure to expel illegal immigrants in the country to “clean up undocumented foreigners”. Close to 300 undocumented Cameroonians were expelled from the country, and in July, a further 2,000 undocumented Nigerians were sent back to Nigeria.
As illustrated above, xenophobic rhetoric and violence have been prevalent issues on the continent for many years. One may trace its routes to Africa’s colonial history, and many scholars, such as Everisto Benyera, have written that xenophobia is a consequence of colonial heritage. Furthermore, borders designated during colonial times often did not pay consideration to the existing or cultural amalgamation of many African groups. In present times, and once placed in context, other deducible triggers are that xenophobic reactions are spurred on by issues of the dire, or deteriorating, economic situation in many countries in Africa.
In other countries such as Kenya and Chad, for example, the feelings of xenophobia were incited by terrorism and the effects thereof. Much like in South Africa now, in Tanzania, Burundi and DRC, xenophobic actions have also shown to have been largely stimulated by the notion that crimes are largely committed by foreign nationals. Lastly, social media, TV and radio have all provided a powerful platform for xenophobic rhetoric to spread and fester, in what one may refer to as ‘negative mobilisation.’ Xenophobia is destructive to the African peace, security and development agenda, and it is an impediment to the integration and achievement of the pan-African project.
Furthermore, if we are to benefit from initiatives such as the African Free Trade Agreement (AFCTA) then countries must take collective responsibility for the issues that drive xenophobic sentiment on the continent, and any effort in this regard must be a result of a common effort and vision for peaceful co-existence and cooperation in Africa.
