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On the centenary of the death of VI Lenin - (Part III)

Lenin arrived in Russia from exile in Switzerland at the beginning of April 1917 PIC.WIKIPEDIA.COM
Lenin arrived in Russia from exile in Switzerland at the beginning of April 1917 PIC.WIKIPEDIA.COM

War and revolution The period of organisational growth and consolidation of the Bolsheviks within Russia was also an era of developing storm of tensions and instability in Europe.

The Balkan wars conflicts over colonial policy, growth militarism and the arms race engendered tensions amongst European powers, which threatened to upset the relative equilibrium which had underpinned the European state system since 1870. To prepare himself for the impending war and revolutionary storms Lenin devoted himself to a more intense study of imperialism and the interrelations between nationalities and nations. His writings on these issues constitute some of his best contribution to the deepening and enrichment of Marxist theory. These intensified inter imperialist rivalries ultimately led to war which broke out in 1914. Lenin denounced this war as an imperialist one in which neither side could be supported by the socialist. He was deeply shocked by the position adopted by all the Major European Socialist Parties, the German, Italian and French Parties who all supported their governments and voted for war credits in their countries Parliaments to finance the war effort. Lenin rallied anti-war socialists in other European countries to develop an anti-war Movement and prepare for the building of a new International Socialist Movement. In February 1917, a revolution broke out in Russia which led to the abdication of the Tsar and proclamation of a republic. A provisional Government was set up led by the bourgeois liberal Cadet Party with the support of the moderate Socialists, the Mensheviks and the Social revolutionaries. At the same time there spontaneously emerged the soviets, popularly elected democratic councils, organised and set up by workers and soldiers in the Capital Petrograd and other Russian cities interests. In the countryside, Peasants set up their own soviets to articulate their demands and represents their interests.

Having awoken to political life on a mass scale, the masses were constantly on the move, broadening and deepening the revolutionary process across the country. British Historian, Professor Christopher Read captures torrent of revolution thus “In the rural areas Peasants took the initiative to reduce the rent they paid to the landlords, sowed seed on land abandoned by landowners. Workers set up militias to defend their factories and their homes, massive numbers joined the trade unions factory committees kept a close eye on the Management and even encroached on Managerial functions” (C. Read – Lenin, A revolutionary Life p155). Lenin arrived in Russia from exile in Switzerland at the beginning of April 1917. Shortly after his arrival he presented his “April Theses” to the Bolshevik leadership in which he briefly analysed the political situation and elaborated the Party’s tactics. He pointed out that the “provisional Government had to be overthrown because it was a bourgeois government which could not satisfy the demands of the people...................but that it could not be overthrown immediately because it rested on the trust and confidence of the masses.....The task before the Bolsheviks was to persistently and patiently explain to the masses their error in placing their trust in this Government as well the need to transfer power to the soviets of the workers and soldiers deputies “(V. I.. Lenin – The Tasks of the Proletariat in the Present Revolution Collected works Volume 24 p140 )” Lenin theses were met with vehement opposition not only from the Mensheviks and the social revolutionaries but from sections of the Bolsheviks leadership.On behalf of the old Bolsheviks, Lev Khamenev argued ‘ comrade Lenin’s scheme appears to me to be unacceptable in as much as it proceeds from the assumption that the bourgeois democratic revolution is completed, and builds on the immediate transformation of this revolution into a socialist revolution’(L Kamenev cited in Tony cliff –Lenin volume 2 p 127)After a vigorous debate within Party ranks, Lenin’s theses was adopted at the All Russian 7th Conference of the Bolsheviks Party held towards the end of April.

The July days Towards the end of June 1917, the Provisional government under the pressure from its European allies prepared for a new offensive at the Eastern front. This provoked strong opposition from the masses who were yearning for an end to the war. The Petrograd Soviet, Krondstat sailors and some anarchists immediately set in motion preparations for a mass demonstration against the provisional Government. Lenin and the Bolshevik leadership counselled against the demonstration, for fear that it might provoke a premature assault against the provisional Government. However, when the demonstration went ahead despite their counsel against it they let their members participate into so as to provide leadership to the masses and preserve their links with Mass Movement. The demonstration was met with severe repression by the Provisional Government, which accused the Bolshevik for conspiracy to overthrow the Government. The Bolshevik Party was banned together with its newspapers. Its newspapers printing press was wrecked. Its leaders were arrested and incarcerated. Leaders of the Inter – District Organisation, Trotsky and Lunacharsky who had not yet joined the Bolsheviks but were already closely collaborating with them were also jailed. Other Bolshevik leaders, Lenin and Zinoviev were forced to go underground. There was a sharp turn to the right. One Alexinsky produced documents which purported to prove that Lenin was a German Spy. Bolshevik members were beaten up in the streets. From the underground Lenin wrote a pamphlet “On Slogan” in which he analysed the current situation and elaborated new tactics and slogans adapted to the new situation he pointed out that in the aftermath of the July demonstration there had been a dramatic change in the Political Situation. Counter revolution had become more organised and consolidated. The Mensheviks and Social Revolutionaries had so compromised themselves in their capitulation to the bourgeoisie that the slogan all power to the soviets had become out-dated........................... This had to be replaced by a new slogan “All power to the working class led by the Bolshevik Party (V. I. Lenin on slogans in collected works Volume 25 p176). Barely a month after the July days, the situation was to take a different turn. The Commander of the Petrograd Garrison, General Kormlov with the support of some big industrialists and bankers organised some troops to march on the Capital with the aim of drowning the revolution in blood, overthrowing the Provisional Government and establishing a military dictatorship. The prime Kerensky took fright, armed the petrogad Soviet released its leaders and enlisted the support of revolutionary parties to defend the revolution against the right-wing assault. It did not occur to Lenin whose Party had just recently been subjected to severe repression by Kerensky’s Government to even contemplate to punish Kerensky by refusing to lend his Party’s support to the Provisional Governments defensive struggle against Kornilov. While not relenting in their political struggle and criticism against the Policies of the provisional Government, the Bolshevik activists and supporters fought side by side with the Mensheviks and social revolutionaries to repulse Kornilovs counter revolutionary offensive. Within a few days, Kornilov suffered an ignominious defeat. On the morrow of Kornilov defeat the situation turned sharply to the left.

Towards the October uprising As a result of its close interaction with the masses, the Bolshevik Party experienced a meteoric rise in influence and popularity. As the most energetic fighters against the counterrevolution and the most consistent in the struggle for democratic demands, the Bolsheviks won decisive majorities in municipal elections held in major cities in August and September. Basing himself on the discernible shift in mass moods and views, Lenin began to agitate insistently for a final assault against the provisional Government. Through several letters and appeals, he persistently prodded the Bolshevik Party Central Committee to decide on an uprising. A military revolutionary committee was constituted by the Petrograd Soviet in September led by Trotsky which made final preparations for the overthrow of the provisional Government. Lenin appeal was initially rejected by the Central Committee but at its meeting held on October 10, 1917, the Central Committee finally adopted a resolution to organise an uprising against the Provisional Government. The date for an uprising for set for October 25, to coincide with the convocation of all Russian Congress of workers and soldiers soviets. On the evening of October 25 armed workers detachments launched an attack on the headquarters of the Provisional Government and overthrew it. On the October 26, 1917, Trotsky on behalf of the military revolutionary Committee and the Bolshevik Party announced to Congress of Soviets that the Provisional Government had been overthrown, and the Congress proceeded to ratify the removal of the Provisional Government from power.

On the morrow of the October uprising At the insistence of the moderate wing of the Bolshevik Party (Gregory Zinoviev, Lev Kamenev, Alexei Rykov and others) negotiations were opened with the Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries with a view to constitute a broad socialist Government. These negotiations fell through on account of the Mensheviks and right wing Socialist revolutionaries demand of far reaching concession to themselves and their insistence that Lenin and Trotsky should be excluded from the new socialist Government. The Bolsheviks did however form a coalition government with the left socialist revolutionaries which later collapsed on account of differences arising from the soviet government’s signing of a peace treaty with the German Government at Brest –litovsk on March 3, 1918. The Soviet Government introduced a thoroughly democratic regime. Policies were formulated through popular consultation and participation of popular democratic organisation constituted from the lowest base of local councils district, provincial and nationwide assemblies and councils. A multiparty system which allowed even the right wing cadet Party to freely organise was permitted. It was only when this party together with the Mensheviks and Socialist revolutionary Parties engaged in conspiracies to subvert the Soviet Government and collaborated with right wing ex-generals-Yudenich, Denikin Kobchak to assemble armies and launch counter-revolutionary aggression against the Soviet Government and its supporters that a ban was imposed on them. But even then the Soviet Government regarded this ban as a temporary measure of self-defence, which would be lifted once the civil war came to an end. The Soviet Government also passed a number of important decrees impacting on political and socio-economic life of the masses, such as the decree giving land to the peasants and decree which committed the Soviet Government to peace without indemnities and annexations. It also proceeded to initiate peace negotiations with the German Government with a view to securing immediate Russian withdrawal from the war. Lenin initially found his proposal for signing an immediate Peace agreement with the Germans rejected by the Political Bureau and the Central Committee. It was only when the advance of the German forces threatened the very survival of the Soviet regime that Lenin was able to win over the majority of the Political Bureau to his position. The Germans used their superior military strength to compel the Soviet Government to surrender huge swathes of its territory with significant population and industrial capacity to Germany. The decree on land provided a legal basis for the confiscation of land from the landlord and granting it to the Peasants. This measure consolidated Peasants support for the Soviet Government and solidified the worker - Peasant alliance.

The Bolsheviks had not initially intended to introduce wholesale nationalization of industry. But they were faced with extreme hostility from the bourgeoisie who resorted to economic sabotage to disorganise the economic life of the nation. These measures ranged from abandonment of factories to lockouts which reduced production and exacerbated shortage of goods. Faced with this predicament Lenin’s Government took over ownership of large number of industries and placed them under workers control. The workers lacking basic administrative and industrial skills simply could not handle the complex tasks of managing these factories. Thus the productive uptake needed to improve the availability and supply of consumer goods could not be accomplished. Added to this were combined effects of economic blockade imposed on the soviet state by the major capitalist countries, the devastation caused by the world was and curl war. The collapse of industry led to severe shortage of consumer goods and a severe dislocation of the interrelations between the industrial and agricultural sectors. To avoid mass starvation in the cities ,the Soviet Government dispatched armed detachments to forcibly requisition grain from the peasants in the countryside. This policy while justified in the context of the dire situation faced by the Bolshevik government led to unintended consequences ‘The forcible confiscation of grain deprived the peasants of any economic incentive to produce and undermined the worker peasant alliance’.(I. Deutscher –the prophet ,the life of Leon Trotsky P954). The social tensions generated by these policies ultimately led to widespread Peasants discontent and revolts. In response, Lenin’s Government adopted the New Economic Policy which entailed the abandonment of forced requisition of grain ,permitting Peasants to freely dispose of their products in the market and permitting small and medium scale private capitalist trade and investment. Lenin has been reproached by innumerable bourgeois historians and ex-communists (Betrand Wolfe et al) for having prepared and cleared the path for the emergence and ultimate triumph of Stalin’s brutal dictatorship. In their version of Russian historiography there is a line of continuity between Lenin epoch and that of Stalin.

This continuity “theses” is as superficial as it is singularly destitute of any factual basis. There is nothing in Lenin’s policies which could even be remotely compared to Stalin’s regimes policies. Lenin never imprisoned party members for expressing their views nor executed thousands of party members on trumped up charges as Stalin did. Under Lenin, democratic debate and contestation of ideas was not only permitted but constituted the core fabric of Bolshevik Party norms policies and traditions. Even during the most difficult years of civil war when the fate of the young Russian Socialist state hanged in the balance, besieged by bands of counter-revolutionary forces, supplied aided and abetted by sixteen foreign armies, the most intense debates on key Policy issues raged in the Party, the trade unions and the soviets. Different factions within the ruling Bolshevik party, the workers opposition, Democratic Centralists and left Communists not only had their autonomous leadership structures but published their own newspapers in which they regularly derided Lenin for his “betrayal” of the revolution. During the 10th Party Congress held in April 1921 at which a resolution moved by Lenin was adopted banning factions, the leaders of the workers opposition shlyapnikov and Kollontai were not ostracised but elected into the Bolshevik Party Central Committee. (Robet Daniel –the conscience of the revolution ,communist opposition in the USSR) No Party anywhere in the world since the time of Lenin has ever tolerated or practiced that level inner party of democracy. It is true that some of the political tendencies which ultimately led to Stalin’s triumph such as bureaucratisation of the Party and state and increasing substitution of the Party for the working class in the administration of state emerged during Lenin’s time, but not as conscious policy choices of Lenin’s government, but as an outcome of social and historical processes which operated at the level of society and impacted on the Party and the state-isolation of the revolution ,collapse of industry and general economic devastation resulting from the triple effects of economic blockade ,world war and civil war .As the Belgian Marxist Ernest Mandel correctly pointed out ,workers were not expelled from the soviets, but simply left to forage for food in the countryside.(E .Mandel –introduction to P.Leblanc-Lenin and revolutionary party ) Those who remained were too worn down and demoralised by the harsh economic climate, hunger, severe shortage of consumer goods and other deprivations to engage in any meaningful political activity. The popular democratic organs of the Russian working class, the soviets which had been the sites of vibrant political activity during the crucial year 1917and 1918 were emptied of Political content. Under these circumstances the ruling Communist Party increasingly substituted itself for the masses in the running of the state. Being an honest and principled Marxist that he was Lenin openly acknowledged the emergence of these trends and their negative impact on the political health of the state. He openly admitted-I stand guilty before the Russian working class--------The soviet state is a workers state, but a workers state with bureaucratic deformations’ (E .Mandel –introduction to Le Blanc Lenin and revolutionary party.)Such honest criticism by leader of the party and state is unheard of even among the most democratic Bourgeoisstatesmen.

The eminent Russian American Historian, Professor Moshe Lewin devoted one of his books to analysing Lenin’s writings of 1922-1923. He correctly points out that these reflect the anxiety and effort of an honest Communist to comprehend and come to terms with key problems of transition to socialism in a backward country (Moshe Lewin – Lenin’s last struggle). In grappling with these problems, Lenin came up with a number of measures which ranged from the reorganization of Party and state structures to reshuffling and redeployment of key personnel in these structures. These measures were conceptualised and intended by him (Lenin) to combat the incipient negative trends within the soviet political system and to revitalise and restore political democratic tendencies to the Party and the State he led. Illness and death removed Lenin from the political scene before he could get the Party and the soviet Government to adopt and implement these measures only. Among the great revolutionary Marxists of the 20th century ,Lenin was a pioneer .The socialist revolution he successfully led inaugurated a regime which despite all the problems which assailed from its inception to its sub sequent degeneration and collapse ,demonstrated in practice that another world was possible ,that society could be run without industrial capitalists ,big merchants and bankers ,with tremendous possibilities for socio economic transformation and advance. With this achievement, Lenin rendered an immortal historical service to the cause of the struggle of the oppressed and exploited people all over the world .We honour the memory of this great leader and teacher of the working class .

Editor's Comment
A step in the right direction

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