The UDC itself, uncertain of its victory, relied heavily on the hopes and support from Batswana to make this success possible. The UDC's coalition model, which began in 2013, first gained momentum during the 2014 general elections when it started resonating with the public.
Over the years, the coalition gradually gained significant support, particularly from civil servants, which enabled it to secure a notable number of Members of Parliament (MPs). Today, the UDC has officially registered as a political party and continues to consist of different member parties, namely the Botswana National Front (BNF), Botswana People’s Party (BPP), and the Alliance for Progressives (AP).
However, this year marked a turning point. The UDC ran a focused and vigorous campaign, with a manifesto that effectively targeted both the youth and the elders, making it spectacularly appealing across generations.
Despite this prolonged struggle, various political parties never gave up. Instead, they continuously pushed to strengthen democracy. However, while some party members remained resolute, others slowly lost hope. Numerous efforts to win elections fell short, partly due to financial constraints. In Botswana, election campaigns are notoriously expensive, making it challenging for opposition parties to compete effectively. In 2010, during the BNF Congress, a pivotal resolution was made. Duma Boko, then newly elected as the BNF president, was tasked with exploring ways for opposition parties to collaborate. Members believed that uniting would create a stronger impact than opposing the ruling party individually.
The late Gomolemo Motswaledi, then president of the Botswana Movement for Democracy (BMD), joined forces with Boko and their leadership to form the UDC. Additionally, the BPP, under the leadership of Motlatsi Molapise, played a key role in solidifying the coalition. By 2013 and 2014, the UDC gained significant traction, and many believed it was on the verge of taking over the government. Although it fell short in those elections, the coalition secured numerous parliamentary seats, establishing itself as the main opposition party. However, challenges soon arose. The BMD split, leading to the formation of a new party called the AP, which later refused to affiliate with the UDC.
In the 2019 election, the UDC welcomed a new affiliate, the Botswana Congress Party (BCP), which became the primary opposition party. Unfortunately, internal disagreements caused the BCP to withdraw from the coalition. Simultaneously, the BNF faced its struggles, with many members defecting to the ruling Botswana Democratic Party (BDP). Yet, a dedicated core of BNF members stayed behind to uphold the party’s values. Despite the UDC's goodwill and public support, the coalition faced financial challenges this year. Campaign materials and funding arrived late, raising doubts about its ability to secure victory. Many even believed the BCP would emerge as the main opposition.
Nevertheless, several factors contributed to the UDC's unexpected win. High unemployment rates and the rising cost of living left many citizens disillusioned with the ruling BDP, which they felt no longer cared about their struggles. Additionally, a growing number of people believed that a change in government was necessary for the country's progress.
Some also credit UDC’s success to Moono wa Baithuti, a movement at the University of Botswana, which set the tone for the elections. The UDC captured the hearts of the youth by advocating for an inclusive government, assuring Batswana that they would actively participate in governance. This commitment was demonstrated when its president, Duma Boko, appointed specially elected MPs such as Lesego Chombo, who has no prior political background, and Bogolo Kenewendo, a former BDP member. He also included independent MP Edwin Dikoloti in his cabinet and collaborated with the Botswana Patriotic Front (BPF), a party they had competed against during the elections. However, after the elections, the BPF openly declared their willingness to work with the ruling party.
Notably, the relationship between the BPF and UDC has always appeared to be informal and undefined, although the leadership of both parties seemed to share common ground. Before the elections, the UDC president stated that his party would not contest in constituencies where he believed the BPF had a better chance of winning. While some within the BPF supported this approach, others openly criticized it, giving interviews to distance their party from any formal alliance with the UDC.
Despite this, the BPF contested in constituencies where the UDC had a strong presence, leading to complaints from UDC members. Even when BPF members were appointed to cabinet positions, some questioned the president's decisions. These developments seemed to foster closer ties between the two parties.
Looking ahead, it is anticipated that at its Congress next year, the BPF may decide to rejoin the coalition. This follows their last-minute withdrawal when party president Mephato Reatile argued that the coalition was no longer beneficial and could harm their performance in the general election. At the time, the UDC was grappling with unresolved issues, such as ward allocations, which further complicated their collaboration. As the UDC moves into the festive season, its leadership or cabinet must, therefore, return with a renewed focus, recognizing that their 100-day target for implementing certain changes will come to an end in October. Consequently, one of the most critical priorities is reforming policies that are, at present, inconsistent with the party's principles.
Currently, many of the existing policies stem from the BDP era and have not been revised.
Furthermore, Ministers must step up their performance in Parliament, particularly when answering questions, to convincingly show that they are now in power. Instead, some still respond as though they are in opposition. Meanwhile, Batswana will closely monitor their progress to determine whether they can, indeed, deliver on crucial issues such as job creation.
